inside sources print logo
Get up to date Delaware Valley news in your inbox

Delco DA Jack Stollsteimer Touts Union Support in Attorney General Race

In his quest to become the next attorney general, Delaware County District Attorney Jack Stollsteimer received some major union support.

Stollsteimer, 60, who was just reelected as DA in November, recently announced he is running for state attorney general in 2024.

His campaign sent a press release saying Stollsteimer was endorsed by:

The Pennsylvania Building & Construction Trades Council, representing 92 separate construction unions in Pennsylvania;

The Philadelphia Building Trades Council, representing more than 50 separate building trades unions in Southeastern Pennsylvania;

The Eastern Atlantic States Regional Council of Carpenters, representing two local carpenters unions, including in Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Allentown, Scranton, and Lebanon;

and Teamsters Joint Council 53, located in Philadelphia, which represents more than 53,000 members.

Robert S. Bair, president of The Pennsylvania Building Trades Council, said Stollsteimer was the first DA in the state to prosecute big construction contractors for wage theft successfully.

“Jack’s support for construction workers has distinguished him from among his colleagues and saved millions for countless workers in Pennsylvania,” said Bair.

Sproule said, “Jack’s never forgotten his working-class roots. He’s a true champion for our members, and we’re proud to support him for attorney general. We know he’ll keep fighting to protect good union jobs in Pennsylvania.”

“My dad was a union bus driver, so I know how a good union job can support a family,” said Stollsteimer. “That’s why I am so thankful to have received all of this incredible support from within Pennsylvania’s labor community because they fight for good union jobs every single day.”

“When I’m attorney general of Pennsylvania, I will make damn sure that an honest day’s work results in an honest day’s pay for Pennsylvania workers,” Stollsteimer said.

Stollsteimer’s campaign listed his accomplishments as district attorney, including forming the Chester Partnership for Safe Neighborhoods. Three years in, it has helped reduce the gun violence homicide rate in the City of Chester by nearly 70 percent, Stollsteimer said.

He also pushed to put the for-profit Delaware County jail under government management and created diversionary programs for low-level offenders, reducing the number of inmates by 30 percent.

Stollsteimer touts the creation of an environmental crimes unit, and he sued opioid distributors to win millions to help those with substance abuse addiction.

Other Democrats running for the office include former Auditor General Eugene DePasquale; Joe Khan, the former Bucks County solicitor; Kier Bradford-Grey, a former public defender; and state Rep. Jared Solomon (D-Philadelphia). The state Democratic Party meets this weekend to vote on its 2024 endorsements.

On the Republican side, Kat Copeland, former Delaware County DA and federal prosecutor, York County DA Dave Sunday, and state Rep. Craig Williams (R-Chester/Delaware), previously a federal prosecutor and a military prosecutor, are vying for votes in the April 23, 2024 primary.

Copeland and Stollsteimer faced off for the Delaware County District Attorney job in 2019.

Stollsteimer worked his way through college and law school. His dad was a SEPTA driver, and his mother was born in Soviet-held Ukraine. His maternal grandparents were Ukrainians who were captured by the Germans during World War II and forced into slave labor camps. After the war, they immigrated to the U.S.

Stollsteimer was hired as an assistant district attorney in 2000 before becoming a policy analyst and special assistant U.S. attorney for the Project Safe Neighborhoods gun violence initiative in 2001. In 2004, he was appointed assistant U.S. attorney and assigned to lead a gun violence task force.

In 2006, Gov. Ed Rendell appointed Stollsteimer as the state’s safe schools advocate for the Philadelphia School District. In that position, he publicly reported the school district’s failure to properly report violent crimes. He was appointed deputy state treasurer for consumer programs in 2017.

Please follow DVJournal on social media: Twitter@DVJournal or

Union Loyalty or Political Gain? Casey’s Mixed Messages Raise Eyebrows

This article first appeared in Broad & Liberty.

Like many elected Democrats, Pennsylvania Senator Bob Casey has been vocal in his support for the United Auto Workers on strike, a labor contest now entering its third week.

But when Casey isn’t praising the picket line, he’s busy raking in donations from political action committees for the “Big Three” automakers, according to Federal Election records.

Casey went on MSNBC with Lawrence O’Donnell on Wednesday, Sept. 27, to talk about the strike.

“When I was with the UAW workers in Bucks County yesterday, Local 2177, these folks told me directly what it means to have a union, what it means to their lives, to their families,” he said.

“They don’t want to strike, but these corporate executives… have gotten these huge payouts — millions of dollars for the CEOs and very little for the workers,” Casey added.

Some of those corporate profits have helped Casey’s campaign.

Donations from General Motors and Ford to Casey’s campaign committee, as well as to Casey’s Leadership PAC Keystone America, total $67,500 since 2007, according to FEC records.

Lobbyists who work for the Big Three have also been generous to Casey, giving him another $66,400. That figure includes donations from lobbyists working for Stellantis-NV, which, while headquartered overseas, includes the Chrysler brand and has several auto manufacturing plants in the U.S.

Requests for comment to Casey’s campaign and Senate office were not returned.

In that same time period, the UAW has contributed $20,000 to Pennsylvania’s senior senator.

“As with so many issues, Bob Casey wants to have it both ways and puts his feet in two buckets at the same time,” said Charlie Gerow, a Republican political consultant and pundit.

“It’s always difficult to tell where Bob Casey truly stands. The issue of abortion is another prime example. He says he’s pro-life, but he votes pro-choice, so which is it? The same can be said of the UAW issue and many other issues,” Gerow said.

With the 2024 election less than 400 days away, Casey already has his first Republican challenger. Two weeks ago, Republican businessman and former hedge fund executive Dave McCormick announced his candidacy.

A progressive Democrat has also announced a run to Casey’s left. Blaine Forkner from Allegheny County threw his hat in the race last week.

Sources Allege Falls Township in Bucks Co. Allowed Union Corruption to Flourish, Colluded with Unions

This article first appeared in Broad + Liberty.

The multi-year FBI investigation in Falls Township is digging into whether the township’s administration contributed to or even actively fostered a culture in which unions — and one union in particular — were able to put pressure on local businesses to hire more unionized labor or, if not, face government harassment through permitting delays, according to multiple sources.

Sources who spoke to Broad + Liberty are well placed to have firsthand knowledge of matters related to both the township, as well as the investigation. All requested to speak anonymously out of concerns of retaliation.

Sources confirmed the union side of the investigation is mainly focused on the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Local Number 269, based across the river from the township in Trenton, New Jersey. Previous media reports have also indicated that the Local 269 was a focus the investigation.

Previous media reports have also indicated that a federal grand jury has been impaneled on the matter and has been taking testimony, but those reports have not specified the nature of the investigation. Those reports also established that Bucks County Board of Commissioners Chair Bob Harvie, the longtime former chair of Falls Township’s board of supervisors was summoned to testify before the grand jury, raising the specter about whether the ongoing criminal investigation could have an impact on the county’s hotly contested election for county commissioners.

For several years now, two of the township’s longest serving supervisors have been members of IBEW Local 269 — Jeff Dence and Jeff Boraski. But what has seldom, if ever, been reported is the towering influence the IBEW has had over the township through the last dozen years in terms of donations from its federal political action committee to those individuals.

That tally of campaign donations swells even larger if two other township supervisors are included: Bob Harvie and Jeff Rocco. Harvie served as the chairman of the Falls Township Board of Supervisors from 2008 to 2020, according to his online biography. Rocco served on the board from 2012 to 2021. Neither are IBEW members.

Since 2009, the IBEW’s federal PAC (which can donate to local candidates) has given $397,950 to the campaign accounts of those four individuals, according to Federal Election Commission records — a staggering sum for a township of approximately 34,000 persons of whom only 10,500 voted in the most recent general election, and which already has a natural Democratic bent.

The donation figure represents about four-and-a-half percent of all the political money donated by the same IBEW federal PAC to all other Pennsylvania candidates and committees over the same time period, according to a Broad + Liberty analysis of FEC records. Yet, in terms of population, Falls Township represents two-tenths of one percent of Pennsylvania.

The lion’s share of that political money — $214,000 — went to Dence. The rest was mainly split between $80,000 for Harvie and about $76,000 for Boraski.

(The same IBEW PAC has made a small number of donations to others who have served on the Falls Township Board. For example, the IBEW has also made one donation each to Erin Mullen and John Palmer, both of whom are currently serving on the township’s board of supervisors. Some of the donations included in the above tally also include donations made to Harvey while he was running for Bucks County commissioner in 2019 and after.)

The sources indicated the main question in the federal probe was a simple scheme: a business which might be expanding an existing building or starting new construction was approached by someone who urged the business owner to choose union labor. If the business owner refused, various permits needed to keep the project on schedule were held up by the township government.

Broad + Liberty’s sources pointed to one construction project in particular: a massive building project announced in 2015 by KVK Technologies, a specialty pharmaceutical company. In the spring of 2015, the township’s board of supervisors approved a new office and warehouse complex to be built on Cabot Blvd. A request for comment to KVT was not returned or was not successful.

The sources were not able to point to any individual for any specific act, with one exception. That exception is not being published in this story because it was only offered by a single source, and was not independently corroborated by other sources.

Although the investigation has been going on for years including the impaneling of a grand jury in Philadelphia, no indictments have yet been handed up. All persons named in this report are presumed innocent until convicted in a court of law.

The business manager for IBEW Local 269, Steve Aldrich, said the allegations are false.

When asked by phone for the union’s comment, Aldrich said: “Same thing we told the other paper over there in Bucks County, the same thing — the grand jury, there’s nothing. There never has been. We don’t do that s*** here. That’s not how we operate. That’s it. I don’t have any other comments than there’s nothing there and I can’t believe you’re still asking this from 2010. It’s like there’s got to be some other news that you can — to look for. There’s nothing here. I have no idea. You must be bored.”

The sources also indicated that the alleged wrongdoing was a driving factor in the yo-yo-like employment of the township’s former manager, Peter Gray.

Gray proffered his resignation in September 2019, but then rescinded it when the township offered him a retroactive pay raise, according to a report from Four months later, Gray left the township for good and is currently the borough manager for New Hope.

The sources indicated that Gray kept a book or log of some sort that chronicled the alleged activity. That idea is key, as has reported a year ago that its own sources said “FBI special agents and prosecutors are in possession of a significant number of documents that went through former township manager Gray’s office.”

In September last year, Levittown Now reported that numerous individuals have testified before the grand jury investigating the matter, including Harvie and Gray.

The township is also dealing with two individuals suing it either over whistleblower claims or allegations that they were asked to perform illegal or unethical acts while in office and were then retaliated against when they objected.

“A fired Falls Township police officer claims in a new lawsuit that he has provided information to the FBI as part of an ongoing investigation involving the municipality’s government,” said a report from January.  “He also says he was wrongfully terminated by township officials because he is a whistleblower.”

In 2020, the township’s former code enforcement officer quit and later filed suit, alleging he had been asked by township officials to manipulate an inspection of a specific home. The allegations in the suit are contained to that incident, and seem unlikely to weigh on the FBI investigation.

The IBEW’s interest in Falls Township, as evidenced by its campaign donations, matches a time when the union seemed to be growing its influence in southeast Pennsylvania by leaps and bounds.

Through most of the second decade, the IBEW looked ascendant in the region, emblemized by John Dougherty, the business manager of the IBEW Local 98, based in Philadelphia. Dougherty, more commonly known by the nickname “Johnny Doc” was indisputably one of the most influential political power brokers in the region until he was indicted by the federal government in 2019.

The apex of Dougherty’s influence was on vivid display in 2015, when he marshaled more than $1.5 million in direct and in-kind donations to his brother’s successful run for the Pennsylvania State Supreme Court — an election that helped swing the balance of power at the top court and continues to reverberate politically to this day.

Dougherty also single-handedly funded the election of Bobby Henon, an IBEW member who served for ten years as a member of Philadelphia’s City Council. Henon was charged along with Dougherty with corruption charges in 2019. He was convicted and is currently serving a three-and-a-half years term in federal prison.

Falls Township has an established Democratic political bent, based on election results dating back more than a decade.

For example, in the hotly contested 2010 U.S. Senate election between Democrat Joe Sestak and Republican Pat Toomey, Sestak easily carried Falls Township 6,000 to 4,200. Statewide, Toomey eked out a 51-49 win in a Republican wave year.

Four of the five current members of the elected board of supervisors are Democrats.

None of the current members of the Falls Township Board of Supervisors, including Dence and Boraski, responded to a request for comment. Former members of the board, including Commissioner Harvie and Rocco, did not respond to a request for comment. For this outreach, Broad + Liberty used Falls Township government email addresses, personal emails gleaned from campaign finance reports, as well as text messages sent to phone numbers also taken from campaign finance reports.

A request for comment was also not returned from the IBEW national office in Washington D.C. which controls the PAC mentioned in this story, or from the U.S. Department of Justice.

Sources with further information on any aspect of this story — governance in Falls Township, knowledge of union activities in the township, etc — are encouraged to reach out to this reporter at [email protected], confidentiality assured.

OSBORNE: PA Needs to Empower Workers—Not Union Executives

The Pennsylvania House of Representatives recently passed House Bill 950, which proposes a state constitutional amendment empowering public sector union executives. Unfortunately, the initiative would hurt just about everyone else, including the rank-and-file teachers, first responders, and government workers legislators presumably want to help.

But don’t take my word for it—listen to Rep. David Delloso. The Democrat, who represents a portion of Delaware County, in his zeal to support HB 950, unintentionally reveals just how harmful it would be for workers.

Delloso, in House discussions, was attempting to refute valid arguments that the proposed amendment would violate public employee First Amendment rights. He boldly dismissed concerns HB 950’s ill-conceived language conflicts with federal law and, more specifically, the U.S. Supreme Court Janus v. AFSCME landmark ruling that in 2018 affirmed those very rights.

One of Delloso’s statements, in particular, underlines the problem with empowering union executives who think like him—slur tactics included.

“Now, nothing in this constitutional amendment proposes to change the Janus decision. If you want to be a freeloading scab, you can still be a freeloading scab.”

A misstep for Delloso to speak so candidly, probably, but “freeloading scab” wasn’t a slip of the tongue. It was a deliberate attack against a worker’s right to decide to join or stay in a union. For decades, union bosses have used insults like this to illegally bully employees into forced membership and fees.

Delloso would know—he’s still a union executive representing both private and public sector unions in Philadelphia. Last year, his pay as a trustee of Teamsters Local 107 was $124,031, in addition to his $102,844 annual salary as a state legislator. Delloso is also the long-time president of Teamsters Local 312, having previously served as a vice president and trustee. And his record as a union leader is far from spotless.

National Labor Relations Board filings show Delloso’s Teamsters unions charged with unfair labor practices at least nine times during his tenure by the very workers he should have represented. Among these were specific coercion complaints, including granting some employees (likely union officers) “superseniority” at the expense of others and three instances of “violence or threats of violence to coerce employees” under the National Labor Relations Act.

When Deloso calls nonmembers “freeloading scabs,”—he means it. And it’s now up to the Senate to decide whether the proposed amendment would help workers.

The truth is HB 950 favors power-hungry union executives—not rank-and-file workers.

By making a right “fundamental”—here, the right to “organize and bargain,” vague terms undefined in the bill—HB 950 would prevent lawmakers from limiting those rights except in the most extreme circumstances. Specifically, the measure prevents the General Assembly from passing any future law that “interferes with,” “negates,” or even “diminishes” this new right. But HB 950 would also compromise existing state labor laws, those that protect employees from union intimidation and coercion. After all, these laws, by design, place reasonable restrictions on how union executives organize and bargain.

Union executives, like Delloso, already put undue pressure on employees to become members, basically daring employees to find a lawyer and file unfair labor practice charges. But under the proposed amendment, union executives could legally continue their boorish behavior, at least in the public sector, as long as they are “organizing” or “bargaining.”

Meanwhile, the General Assembly would be impotent to stop them. In a sense, Delloso could become more powerful as a union leader than as a legislator. Under HB 950, union executives would have the legal leverage to negotiate collective bargaining agreements that supersede state law and run roughshod over the rights of rank-and-file employees. That explains why heavy-hitting public sector unions, like the Pennsylvania State Education Association (PSEA), alongside the Teamsters, support the measure.

The Senate must stop the power boon union executives running these politically charged organizations want. HB 950 is a “self-destructive” amendment that would come at the expense of workers, lawmakers charged with governing—and Pennsylvania.

David R. Osborne is the Senior Fellow of Labor Policy with the Commonwealth Foundation, Pennsylvania’s free-market think tank.

Please follow DVJournal on social media: Twitter@DVJournal or